Teachers - An Overview
The 1964 National Education Commission report, penned by eminent
educationist Dr. D.S. Kothari, comprehensively addressed most aspects of
teacher management, motivation and performance. The report noted:
1. There should be no teacher at the primary stage that has not completed
the secondary school course and does not have two years of training.
2. It is necessary to improve promotional prospects in order to attract and
retain talent.
3. Qualified and trained teachers in primary schools should be considered
for promotion as headmasters and inspectors of schools.
4. Salaries should be reviewed every five years and dearness allowances
(linked to the cost of living index) should be the same as other government
servants at the same salary.
5. The government must establish a welfare fund.
6. Retirement benefits, based on the principles of uniformity and parity, must
be provided along with a high rate of interest on provident fund of teachers.
7. Minimum facilities required for efficient work must be provided (no
details) – residential accommodation in rural areas.
8. Teachers in tribal areas should be given special allowances, residential
accommodation and provision for education of their children in residential
schools.
9. National awards.
10. Remove the isolation of teacher training from ground situations.
This report has been the reference point for all subsequent work on teachers
in India.
The 1986 National Policy on Education (NPE) and the supporting document -
Programme of Action of 1992 - tried to reframe some of the main provisions of
the landmark 1964 report. The NPE 1986 devotes a section on “The Teacher”:
The status of the teacher reflects the socio-cultural ethos of a society; it
is said that no people can rise above the level of its teachers. The government
and the community should endeavour to create conditions that will help motivate
and inspire teachers on constructive and creative lines. Teachers should have
the freedom to innovate, and to devise appropriate methods of communication and
activities relevant to the needs, capabilities and concerns of the community.
The methods of recruiting teachers will be reorganised to ensure merit,
objectivity and conformity with spatial and functional requirements. The pay
and service conditions of teachers have to be commensurate with their social
and professional responsibilities and with the need to attract talent to the
profession. Efforts will be made to reach the desirable objective of uniform
emoluments, service conditions and grievance-removal mechanisms for teachers
throughout the country. Guidelines will be formulated to ensure objectivity in
the posting and transfers of teachers. Systems for teachers’ evaluation – open,
participative and data based – will be created and reasonable opportunities of
promotion to higher grades provided. Norms of accountability will be laid down
with incentives for good performance and disincentives for non-performance.
Teachers will continue to play a crucial role in the formulation and
implementation of educational programmes.” (National Policy on Education 1986
(with modification undertaken in 1992), MHRD, GOI, 1992, part IX, pages 43-44)
While reiterating the fundamentals of the 1964 report, the Programme of Action
of 1992 stressed four important issues:
1. Pay and service conditions of teachers have to be commensurate with their
social and professional responsibilities and with the need to attract talent to
the profession.
2. Teachers’ association must play a significant role in upholding
professional integrity, enhancing the dignity of the teacher and curbing
professional misconduct.
3. Teachers’ education is a continuous process and the pre-service and
in-service components are inseparable. To this end, DIETs must be established
to organize pre-service and in-service training. As DIETs are established,
sub-standard institutions will be phased out. Secondary Teachers’ Training
Colleges will be upgraded to complement the SCERTs.
4. The NCTE will be mandated to accredit institutions for teachers’
education and provide guidance regarding curricula and methods.
Educational, social and economic profile of teachers
“The primary school teacher is doing more difficult work than the middle or
secondary level School teacher. The primary teacher has to start from zero,
whereas the secondary teacher gets ‘ready students’ they just have to complete
the course. It is unfortunate that the primary School teacher does more work,
and receives less pay. Quite apart from this salary, the teacher is called a
Grade III teacher. The definition by itself is lowly. The allocation of power
is faulty. The person who builds the foundation is called ‘grade three’. This
is an insulting way of grading a person. It creates dissatisfaction and is the
cause of de-motivation too.”
Teachers in primary schools are expected to have completed 10 to 12 years of
general education and acquired either a diploma or a degree in education. A
two-year training programme was introduced in the 1950s and separate
non-university teachers’ training establishments were set up for this purpose
CABE, a statutory body that approves education policy and norms for the
appointment of teachers), and the NCTE, another apex body established in 1973
that makes norms for teachers’ education, have stipulated that 12 years of
general education plus two years of professional training are mandatory for
appointing primary schoolteachers.
Pay and non-salary benefits
Teachers’ salaries in India
are comparable with public sector employees with similar qualification.
Furthermore, at 3.6 times the average per capita income, salaries of primary
schoolteachers in India are better than those in middle-income countries as
Chile, Costa Rica and Thailand, although worse than other low-income countries
such as Kenya, Malawi and Zambia.
Entry-level salaries of schoolteachers are comparable with those of other
professionals with the same educational qualifications (Table 3.11). Since 1997
(when the Fifth Pay Commission revised the salaries of government employees
across the country), salaries of government teachers have become extremely
attractive. While nearly all the teachers we met during the course of the study
appreciated this increase, we found better salaries alone were not enough to
enhance motivational levels.
The entry-level salary and allowances of a primary school teacher at 2001 value
in 2003 is Rs. 90996 per annum, while the GDP per capita for India for the same
period is US $ 462 at 2001 value in 2003 (HDR, 2003). This implies that the
salary of a primary school teacher is 4.59 times the per capita GDP of the
country.
The maximum salary of a trained teacher after 20 years of service may be
nearly four times the entry-level salary. The government also provides fixed
non-salary benefits like actual medical reimbursement, advances/loans for
houses, retirement benefits (provident fund and/or pension on retirement @ 50%
of the last pay drawn plus dearness allowances as declared by the government
from time to time). Automatically, teachers move from one pay scale to the next
after 9, 18 and 27 years of “satisfactory service”.
Incentives and awards
One of the ironies of the Indian education system is that there is practically
no incentive for performers. Teachers move up the ladder according to
seniority. The government had introduced a range of awards for teachers in
1950. Discussions with teachers and stakeholders revealed that selection for
awards now rarely depended on performance on the ground and was more a function
of a teacher’s ability to lobby with the decision-makers. They also informed us
that the award system had become highly politicised in the last 15 years and
the situation had deteriorated.
Job Satisfaction and Motivation
The issue of job satisfaction and motivation is explored from different
dimensions. This selection start with the reasons for choosing and whether
teachers are happy with their vocation, followed by teacher’s voices on why
they are satisfied or not satisfied. It then explores what head teachers have
to say about the motivation levels of teachers and the challenges they face in
sustaining motivation levels among the teachers in their respective schools. We
conclude by exploring what could be done to motivate teachers and the role of
the head teachers, the government and the larger community.
Reasons for choosing teaching as a career:
“I wanted to become a Physical Training Instructor (PTI). Since jobs are
difficult to get, I applied for the post of grade III teacher also. I got both
the jobs but the call letter for PTI came late. So I decided to become a
teacher (family pressure was also there).”
“I was selected for the job of a patwari (village level revenue official who
maintains records and collects revenue). During training, I was told by the
trainer that society always sees a patwari as a corrupt person even though he
may be honest. I did not want the label of a corrupt person so I left the
training half way. Those days a teacher was viewed with great respect in the
community so I changed my profession.”
“I did not want to work but after I got married, my husband was posted in a
remote place where I did not have much to do. Therefore, I applied for the job.
I did a B. Ed and my marks were good. I had good contacts as my father was well
connected. I got this job by luck. I am enjoying it, as the salary is good. I
can buy things for myself and for the house and have lot of spare time in my
hands. It is also non-transferable (outside the district). It is the best
profession for women – I can strike a balance between family and job. I do not
have much tension from the HM and enjoy a good understanding with my
colleagues.”
Detailed interviews and focus group discussion revealed that some teachers
chose the career on the rebound when they could not pursue their preferred
career choice. A few teachers made a conscious choice because of the inherent
“nobility” of the profession or inspiration from parents or a teacher. However,
there is a significant difference between men and women. Women seemed to have
picked the profession for different reasons, namely, respectability, security
in addition, less work, “can also manage my home and house”. Women teachers
talked about how this was the preferred choice of their parents or husband.
Some of them took it on because they had nothing else to do, even though their
first choice might have been to be a homemaker. The responses of women reflect
in gender relations in society – with women citing different reasons for
choosing the profession. Teachers pointed out that given the dismal employment
situation in the state and the steep increase in the salary of schoolteachers,
a number of rural youth were attracted to the profession. Few male teachers admitted
that this profession was demanding and left them no time to pursue
supplementary vocations. Some male teachers also saw teaching as a stopgap
arrangement while preparing for civil service examinations (including entry
into the police force, secretarial services, revenue services etc.).
Job satisfaction
Job satisfaction and morale are highly inter-related. To my mind, job
satisfaction and morale require a certain basic seriousness about what one is
doing. Thereafter, the level of satisfaction or morale may decrease due to
prevailing work conditions or other factors. However, government schoolteachers
lack this basic seriousness. There is a lot of dissatisfaction and frustration
among them but it does not generate any action. Surprisingly, they do not seem
interested enough to do anything about it. The blanket perception, therefore,
is that the teachers are not satisfied. However, when interventions are
designed for them and opportunities provided, one group responds
enthusiastically (say about 70%). The remaining 30% still respond cynically.
If the family or community considers teaching a noble profession, the
teacher will naturally be more motivated. When someone does their job well,
their status in society increases. Until recently, villagers had respect for
teachers. Though rich people have also reached the villages, the respect given
to officers and the moneyed class is a surface phenomenon. They are driven by
fear or sycophancy. The teacher is more respected and in a deeper way. I can
give you a very good example: Kalyanpura village is in Chaksu block. Girls here
were hardly sent to school. Their numbers were minimal. We started Pehchan
Shala. The teacher appointed identified all the girls herself. She built a
rapport with the community. Everyone was full of praise for her work. The
villagers themselves organized her salary. She had to leave when she got
married. A huge party was thrown for her and that day was called Balika Utsav
(festival for girls). About 700 girls from all the nearby Pehchan Shalas participated.
The villagers organized everything themselves. The function cost almost Rs
20,000!
Discussion with teachers revealed that most of them had not really thought
about their vocation as a teacher. Their immediate response was, consequently,
superficial: “all is well” and “we are satisfied”. However, this initial
response was invariably contradicted as dialogue with them proceeded to deeper
levels. In fact, the responses began to come from the heart when the
investigators shut their notebooks and the discussions became less formal but
more serious.
This is an important issue for researchers. There is little point in asking
people to respond to a series of questions without providing space for serious
reflection. There was a mismatch between:
• Responses to multiple-choice questions and more in-depth exploration of
issues through discussions;
• “Formal responses” in the personal statements and the detailed open-ended
responses;
• Casual conversations with teachers before /after the interview and during
the formal interviews.
Motivation
We have five teachers in our school. One of them is a dakia, who responds to
enquiries that come from above and dispatches data / information to the
district or block office. The other is a halwai, who manages the midday meal.
The third one is perpetually on training and the fourth is a clerk who has to
maintain accounts and pay salaries. Who, then, is left to manage five classes
and teach around 200 children?”
The dissonance between what they ticked in the questionnaires and structured
interview schedules and what they said during informal interactions was marked
when teacher motivation was discussed. We did not notice any significant
difference between teachers in rural and urban schools or between men and
women.
Teachers had a nuanced understanding of motivation – almost all of them
admitted that “motivation” is a dynamic feeling; it changes from time to time.
They linked it to the larger environment in which they work and how this
affected their sense of self-worth. Their response of the teachers can be
categorized as under:
Emotional level:
Teachers complained about feeling demeaned when they were sent out to collect
data or for door-to-door polio campaigns. They argued that their job was not do
research surveys and campaigns for the government and felt that when they had
to do so it affected their social status. The government’s decision to hire Para teachers was a further blow to their self-worth.
They felt they were no longer discharging a unique, special duty and that even
untrained hands could do what they had been doing hitherto. It was clear that
motivation in this case, like in others, hinged on the emotional energy of
people. This intangible dimension of motivation had been ignored in the case of
teachers. Their sense of emotional well-being had been disturbed by what they
felt was shabby treatment when they were made to run errands like taking
letters or doing non-academic duties. Their skills and unique strengths had not
been appreciated and there was no positive affirmation and encouragement.
Financial level:
Non-receipt of salaries on time and, in particular, the inability of the
administration to release timely travel reimbursements and other payments were
cited as reasons for poor motivation. Teachers unanimously felt that timely
clearance of dues could improve motivation levels. Many teachers said their
motivation levels would rise if they were paid extra for performing additional
duties and training, because most of them did not see the latter as opportunity
for professional growth.
Physical level:
Improvement in the physical facilities – the infrastructure – of schools was
perceived as a factor that influenced motivation levels, but physical
infrastructure though necessary was not a sufficient condition. Ensuring one
room for each class would work as an instant booster, they said. Cleanliness,
transport, furniture, drinking water and toilets (for women teachers) – the
list was long.
Academic level:
Nearly all teachers talked at length about the number of training workshops
they had to attend and the poor quality of training doled out to them. They
discussed the problems they faced in handling a multi-grade situation – where
two to three classes had to be managed simultaneously. They explained how
subject-specific training to manage multi-grade teaching situations would go a
long way in enhancing motivation levels of teachers. Some teachers talked about
access to better teaching-learning material (TLM).
Role of the head master / head teacher:
Prof. VV John, an eminent educationist once said, “If you have a good head
teacher, then you need not do anything. But if you do not have a good head
teacher, there is nothing that you can do to turn a school around.” This
observation was reflected in practically all our discussions with senior
administrators. The head master (HM) or head teacher was not just the leader
but also a role model. Administrators said the HM’s role in maintaining
discipline (regular attendance of teachers, functioning and teaching) and
enhancing motivation levels was important. They admitted that the all-pervasive
bureaucratic indifference or inability had rubbed off on the school system too,
which had little power to do anything about a teacher who refused to teach. The
ability of the HM to provide leadership was constrained by the larger system in
which she/he had to function. Yet, a good HM could make a big difference. The
tragedy of Rajasthan is that 4,364 posts of HMs are lying vacant and a senior
teacher manages many schools. Equally, the head teachers are not given any
special training or orientation besides being expected to do a number of
administrative duties, including disbursing salaries and approving travel claims.
What administrators say about teacher motivation?
Teachers relax when they get a job. They feel they have achieved their goal
once they get into government service. They do not want to work in rural areas
– all of them want an urban posting. They lack motivation and commitment to
their work.
Teachers are victims of the transfer and posting phenomenon. They have no
security of tenure and are constantly haunted by the fear of being transferred.
They have to acquire godfathers for protection. Once they develop these
contacts and linkages, then there is not need for them to do their job
seriously.
There is no database of all teachers at the elementary level or the details
on their training. They are sent for training in an ad-hoc manner. Some may
attend several training programmes only to escape going to school while others
may not attend even one.
The biggest problem is that we have more than required teachers in urban
schools and a huge shortage in rural schools. Even if we have to ensure two
teachers in each rural school, a large number of teachers would have to be
shifted from urban to rural areas. This will lead to strikes and protests by
the teacher’s unions.
We met two kinds of administrators. The first group was empathetic to
teachers and talked about systemic issues affecting regular teaching and
learning in schools. They did not see teachers as villains but cogs in a giant
wheel that were but trapped in a hierarchical system rife with corruption. The
second group saw teachers as work shirkers and blamed them entirely for poor
quality education. The latter was unwilling to explore the systemic issues and
insisted that appointing low paid contract teachers was the answer to all the
problems of education. It was as however, the two groups were talking about two
entirely different worlds. Unfortunately, the latter worldview was more popular
among senior civil servants, with a few notable exceptions. We found greater
empathy and a more nuanced understanding of the problem of teachers in the
lower echelons.
What stakeholders have to say?
We interviewed a range of stakeholders – former teachers, former
administrators, NGO leaders and educationists involved in research and training
and so on (list annexed). Each one of them had something to say. Reproduced
below are some insights:
• If one were seriously dissatisfied about one’s job, one would do something
about it. Perhaps, teachers are not really engaged with their profession and
their work or feel deeply enough about it.
• The system is such that if you do not take the initiative you cannot go
wrong, but if you do then you could get into trouble.
• There is monotony in school teaching. A teacher can be motivated on two
things – excited about the way the child’s mind works or linked to the large
social context in which schools function when both are absent then teachers
have no reason to be motivated or excited with their vocation.
• Teachers are not at all committed to their profession. They treat teaching
as a means/ instrument to achieving something they value more– like fewer
working hours, being with the family, a good salary. Teaching itself is not a
commitment or a passion for a majority of teachers.
• Remuneration is an important factor in teacher motivation. However, by
itself, it does not do much. It can be said that it is necessary for teacher
motivation but it is not a sufficient condition. A very low remuneration is
definitely a de-motivating factor. However, a higher pay does not result in
increased motivation. I do not think that a system of cash benefits can
increase motivation.
• The workload is tremendous. There are many non-teaching tasks. In the
current year, teachers have been involved in educational survey (SSA survey,
child tracking), pulse polio (10 days a year), two elections (state, panchayat),
electoral list revision and BPL survey. Additionally, the District Collector
also involves them in several district-based assignments – working with
self-help groups, family planning, drought relief / food-for-work programme
etc. They are also co-opted in work related to the mid-day meal scheme, such as
keeping records and management of the scheme.
• Training programmes are done with little advanced planning. Without prior
schedule, they cannot do the training properly.
• Teachers now spend less time in schools. Actual teaching time is
decreasing.
• Teachers have now become more vocal and can articulate their aspirations
with the ‘right’ people. They are closer to active politics, can intimidate
officials citing political connections.
• Unlike in the past, teachers have no personal linkage with the community.
They depended on the local people when there were no facilities. Now better
means of transport are available. For example, a teacher comes to school on a
motorcycle and leaves after the day’s work is done.
It is difficult to synthesize the observations of stakeholders. We have used
their insights and experience to understand this complex issue. Again, the
stakeholders, (like the administrators) we interacted with, can be divided in
two broad groups. One group understood and appreciated the systemic issues that
inform the question of teacher motivation. The other looks at teachers in
isolation, as a cadre of self-seeking government servants who are not committed
to their work.
Teacher Motivation – What Are The Issues?
As we were preparing for a focus group discussion with teachers in
Rajasthan, we realize that the word ‘motivation’ meant different things to
different people. We casually asked the teachers if they could tell us who a
“motivated teacher” was. After thinking for a while, one of them said, “A
‘motivated’ teacher comes to school every day, does what he is told and
provides information the higher ups want!” The answer put us on the mat! We
probed further. Apart from the teachers in all the schools, we posed the
question to administrators and stakeholders as well. Nearly all the teachers
believed that daily attendance and complying with orders and requests for
information were reasonable indicators of motivation. Administrators at the
district level described a motivated teacher as one who was regular, did what
she or he was told and was, largely, compliant. Children were nowhere in the
picture, nor were the teaching and learning processes. Learning was incidental
to the mountain of data they gathered and fed into the system. Enrolment,
attendance, mid-day-meal distribution and participation in training programmes
and workshops – cold figures – had become the indices of education.
Administrators, at higher levels, associated motivation with:
• Low absenteeism
• Maintaining discipline
• Proper record keeping
• Collection and supply of educational data
• Utilization of funds allocated for teaching and learning material;
• Giving exercises in the classroom and correcting them.
It was worth to noting that the notion of “quality” was linked to efficient
management. As a result, obedience and predictability became pervasive values
sought in the system. Actual transaction time, classroom processes and learning
outcomes of children did not figure in their first response. Further
investigation revealed that the percentage of children clearing the terminal
examination at the primary level was also an important indicator. For parents
and community leaders, discipline in the school and regular teaching served as
clinchers. A teacher, who came regularly, stayed in the school for the
stipulated time, did not use excessive force (beating, abusive language,
shouting and punishment) and taught with interest was, for them, a motivated
teacher. The ability of their children to learn to read, write, and pass
examinations was another important indicator.
Educationists, on the other hand, argued that a motivated teacher was one
who could communicate with the children. He/she drew energy from his/her interaction
with the children, was concerned about what and how much they were learning and
his/her ability to attract and retain children in the school. They also
believed that only a motivated teacher could build a rapport with the parents
and the community and go beyond the call of duty to ensure that every single
child attended regularly, even if it meant visiting their homes and persuading
the parents to send their children to school.
Discussions on motivation, invariably, led to comparisons with private schools.
Teachers, administrators and parents quickly pointed out that private schools
attached great importance to discipline, regularity and successful results in
yearly as well as public examinations (classes 5, 8, 10 and 12). Almost all the
teachers we interacted with in the course of this study sent their own children
to private schools. They admitted that irregular attendance of teachers was
uncommon in private (aided and unaided) schools and that teachers taught for
the stipulated hours/periods.
However, when asked why government schools were different, most could not
give us any convincing answers. They ended up blaming the system where the dice
is loaded against teachers in primary schools.
India
is a large country. It is possible that the gap between the educationist’s
perception of motivation and that of teachers, administrators and the larger
community will be lower in educationally advanced states like Kerala, Tamil
Nadu and Himachal Pradesh. Yet, administrators and the public agree that there is
a definite problem with the education system as a whole. Laypersons and the
media squarely blame the teachers – citing absenteeism, bad behavior, and
politicization of teachers’ unions and, most importantly, lack of professional
ethics. Teachers, on the other hand, argue that the system has pushed them to a
point where they have to cultivate politicians to avoid frequent transfers or
pay huge bribes to get a job. Administrators, sympathetic to teachers, argue
that the obsession of the system with data and targets pertaining to enrolment
and retention has deflected attention from the children themselves. The more
sensitive among them admit that no one is interested in government schools that
cater essentially to poor children. Poor parents and communities do not have a
voice. Those who have an option and the resources to exercise it, simply send
their children to private schools.
The answer to the question of poor motivation lies buried, perhaps, in the
labyrinth of a complex education system. This issue was discussed at length in
a recent national meeting of educationists, administrators and practitioners.
What emerged is an intricate matrix of cause and effect – where one cannot
really discern a clear, one-to-one linear correlation.
The key issues pertaining to the motivation of primary school teachers can
be summarized as follows:
First, the education system has expanded rapidly and enrolment rates have
shot up. However, growth rate in the number of teachers has not kept pace with
the rise in enrolment. The classroom has become very complex. Children from
extremely poor families and first generation school-goers account for an
overwhelming majority of new students in government schools. Most rural schools
are multi-grade with one, or, at most two, teachers managing five classes.
Teacher-pupil ratios are also high in such schools.
Second, the social distance between the teachers and the children is wide in
government schools (which cater to the very poor). Social attitudes and
community prejudices play an important role in determining the ability and
willingness of teachers to empathies with children and teach them love (PROBE
1999, Mazumdar 2001, Ramachandran et al, 2004). Recent press reports
(especially in the last six months) reveal cases of sexual exploitation of
girls in rural as well as urban (municipal) schools. Recently (18February,
2005) a headmaster and three teachers were arrested in New Delhi for raping a 14-year-old girl and
another teacher was arrested for sexual abuse of young boys. Senior police officials
said teachers used abusive language when they talked to/about children from
very poor or socially disadvantaged communities. It was as though they were
doing a big favour by teaching children from erstwhile “untouchable”
communities or very poor migrant communities from other parts of India and Bangladesh.
Studies on classroom processes done under the aegis of the District Primary
Education Project also revealed similar caste and community prejudices
(Ramachandran (ed) 2004).
Third, teachers lack the skills to manage so much diversity in the
classroom. Training programmes for teachers are designed keeping in view the
situation in large urban schools where one teacher manages one class. The
problems faced by teachers in multi-grade situations, where teacher-pupil
ratios are high, are rarely covered in training programmes. Labels like joyful
learning and child- centered learning do not mean anything to teachers who have
to deal with social diversity, different levels of students and most
importantly, children who are undernourished, hungry and frequently ill (Vimala
Ramachandran et al, 2004b). Focus group discussion with teachers in Rajasthan
revealed that teachers wanted subject-specific training for multi-grade
situations. However, most training programmes focus on generic skills. The
mismatch between the problems faced by teachers inside the classroom and
training programmes designed by administrators and teacher educators (who have
very little idea of a multi-grade class) is stark.
Fourth, systemic issues dealing with corruption (payment for
transfers/preventing transfers, deputations, appointments, promotions and
special assignments) have vitiated the larger teaching environment in the
country. Teachers say this has politicised the environment and actual teaching
is rarely monitored. Building networks with patrons and supporters is more
important. Teachers, who are in leadership positions in trade unions or
affiliated to political parties in power, rarely attend school. Continuation in
the job and/or in preferred posts depends on the teacher’s ability to strike
the right chord with the people in power. As a result, a highly motivated and
honest teacher is one who is transferred to difficult areas. He/she is saddled
with a number of non-teaching duties and made a scapegoat when the need arises.
Therefore, even though there may be no incentives for performing better, it
certainly pays to build networks and cultivate godfathers.
Fifth, teachers’ unions and block and district-level administrators’ claim
they are asked to do a range of non-teaching tasks which them away from the
classroom. For example, the Rajasthan Government had asked teachers to motivate
couples for terminal family planning methods. This led to a series of protests
by teachers in February 2005. In 2001-2003, the state government directed them
to maintain the books of women’s self-help groups and monitor if loan
repayments were made on time. District Magistrates rely on teachers to
distribute drought or flood relief supplies, and identify beneficiaries for
government welfare schemes. Discussions with teachers revealed that while the
task of meeting family planning targets may be given to all the teachers, the
more difficult and time-consuming non-teaching duties go to teachers seen as
dedicated. Teachers with political links or the ones active in trade unions are
not given additional duties. Both the central and state governments contest
this. Senior administrators in the Government of India point out that less than
5% of the teaching days are taken up by non-teaching duties. Recent DISE data
collected information on non-teaching duties and the days spent therein. While
state-wise data has not been made public, a recent presentation made by Dr.
Arun Mehta (NIEPA, January 2005) indicates that non-teaching duties accounted
for only 1.6% of working days. Teachers’ unions and local administrators
disagree. They argue that the government may expect teachers to do such work
after school hours, but invariably the teachers spend the teaching time performing
non-teaching assignments. The problem gets particularly severe during
January-March when annual targets (especially, family planning) are reviewed by
the district administration.
Sixth, teacher training has picked up since 1994 with almost all teachers
expected to attend a range of training programmes every year. Many of these
workshops are held during the academic session. Teachers are eligible for
compensatory leave if they attend these workshops during vacations. This
reduces teaching days. While the training programmes are intended to improve
knowledge levels as well as skills – especially in child-centered teaching
processes – teachers claim that these programme add little value when the
overall teaching environment, the examination system and other aspects of the
school remain unchanged. Nearly all the teachers interviewed in Rajasthan said
training was a burden - it was neither planned well not did it cater to their
needs.
Seventh, teachers and administrators are continuously embroiled in court cases
to do with promotions and placements, claiming arrears due to them and
disciplinary action-related issues. Administrators explain that a lot of their
time do teachers file spent attending to court cases. Teachers argue that they
have no option but to go to court for justice. Teacher cadre management is
highly politicised – both administrators and ordinary teachers are caught in a
web of allegations and counter allegations. This has affected recruitment of
new teachers in several states.
Concluding remarks:
In course of the study, we came across teachers who loved children and were
highly motivated regardless of where they were posted. These were exceptional
people. It was, indeed, humbling to meet teachers who worked hard despite all
odds. We came across situations where good teachers received tremendous
community support that led to improvement in their teaching and overall
results. The reverse was also true. There were villages that had a wonderful
teacher in the past but could do little to motivate/support a new teacher who
just refused to teach.
The most dismal picture was in schools with only two teachers and many
children. Teachers could not cope with the situation and had simply given up.
There were teachers who were indifferent to the children and did not really
care if they learnt to read and write. They promoted children, maintained
records and did what they were asked to do.
We discovered no correlation between motivation levels and teacher
qualification, training, residence, gender and pay scale. However, a school
with good infrastructure and connectivity could hold back more teachers for
more hours. It is difficult to say whether this translates into more
instruction time or higher learning levels. As discussed in the opening
paragraphs of this paper, teachers said they were motivated – but their
understanding of motivation is different from ours. Both teachers and
administrators gave a lot importance to daily presence, compiling and sending
the necessary data and maintaining discipline. They valued justice and fair
play. They were ready to work with administrators and political leaders who
they felt were just, and appreciated and rewarded hard work. However, rapport
with children, learning levels and actual classroom environment were not seen as
being a part of motivation.
These factors did not figure in any discussion with teachers or
administrators!
Teacher motivation is a complex issue in Rajasthan, indeed across India. There is
virtually no incentive for teachers who go beyond the call of duty and empower
their students to learn and move on in life. On the other hand, teachers who
network with political leaders and local bureaucrats manage plum postings and,
if they are lucky, teachers’ awards too!
Everyone – the different categories of people we spoke to – was of the
opinion that 25 to 30% teachers are highly motivated and work very hard
regardless of their personal circumstances. Another 30% comply with all the
formal requirements – regularity, attendance, data on enrolment and retention,
mid-day meal distribution and so on. These teachers have the potential but the
system has worn them out. The remaining 40 to 45% can be categorized as
‘indifferent’– they are just not motivated and really do not care.
Strict monitoring – by a highly motivated head master
or a block/district official – can tip the scales and ensure better
functioning. Given the right stimulus, teachers are known to perform well. The
fundamental problem is that this stimulus is lacking. Most educated
middle-class professionals – those who form the backbone of the administration
and the larger community of stakeholders – have abandoned government schools.
Their children study in private aided or unaided schools. They do not have a
personal stake in making the system work. Therefore, they just let the system
drift along while making sure the data that is fed upwards is acceptable.
